{"id":724,"date":"2019-04-23T17:24:00","date_gmt":"2019-04-23T17:24:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/tierra.jerrejerre.com\/es\/?p=724"},"modified":"2024-09-10T14:23:45","modified_gmt":"2024-09-10T14:23:45","slug":"estoy-muy-preocupado-por-los-defensores-ambientales-en-america-latina","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/tierraderesistentes.com\/en\/2019\/04\/23\/estoy-muy-preocupado-por-los-defensores-ambientales-en-america-latina\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cI\u2019m very concerned about environmental human rights defenders in Latin America\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

\u201cI want to raise the alarm about the increasing and intensifying violence against them. I am extremely appalled by the number of killings and attacks and the lack of response from states in front of such situation\u201d.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These harsh words mark the beginning of the\nreport<\/a> presented by Michel Forst, the UN\nSpecial Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, to the United\nNations Human Rights Council in 2016.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Evidence suggests that Latin America is the\nmost hostile region for environmental defenders in the world, followed by Asia\nand Africa. Six of the 10 most dangerous countries for leaders and communities\ndefending the environment and their ancestral lands cited by Forst are located\nin our region, all of which (Brazil, Colombia, Guatemala, Honduras, Peru and\nMexico) have been involved in this journalism project. 48% of the\ncommunications sent by the UN rapporteur to governments have been about cases\nin the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We spoke with Forst -a soft-spoken but\nforceful French diplomat and former Amnesty International regional director-\nabout the risks run by environmental leaders in Latin America.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

WHY ARE ENVIRONMENTAL DEFENDERS IMPORTANT AND WHAT IS THEIR VALUE FOR SOCIETY?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

When I started with this mandate, I wanted\nto meet with defenders to find those who are most at risk. I organized a series\nof consultations in which I met more than 800 defenders from 110 countries. Two\nof these were in Latin America: one in Bogota and one in Guatemala City. I\nimmediately saw that those defenders were in fact the most at risk: fighting\nfor the right to defend their land, fighting with powerful actors like\ncompanies, receiving threats from different sources.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When I saw the number of killings, I saw we\ncould do more to prevent this from occurring. That’s why I decided to tackle\nthis subject and to prepare a report<\/a> that was presented at the United\nNations two years ago with the idea of finding who are those actors, who are\nthe perpetrators and with which means we can protect them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

WAS YOUR 2016 REPORT ONE OF THE FIRST TO CALL THEM \u2018ENVIRONMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS\u2019?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

In the course of my discussions with them,\nI saw many did not consider themselves defenders. They said \u2018we are\nenvironmentalists\u2019, \u2018we are indigenous people\u2019, \u2018we are simple peasants or\nfarmers\u2019, but they did not know the full concept of defenders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I tried to explain why for me they were in\nthe broad category of defenders. It’s amazing to see how the more we discussed\nit with them, the more they understood it and the more they feel part of a\nglobal community of defenders, which is for me a key element for their\nprotection.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

SADLY OUR PROJECT COVERS FIVE OF THE 10 MOST HOSTILE COUNTRIES MENTIONED IN YOUR REPORT. HOW CONCERNED ARE YOU OVER VIOLENCE AGAINST DEFENDERS IN LATIN AMERICA?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

I\u2019m very concerned about it. I’ve done\nthree official visits at the invitation of states in the region: Mexico,\nHonduras and Colombia. On each occasion I have met defenders at risk, I explain\nto them what I want to achieve and why it is important to find ways to protect\nthem by speaking not only to the states, but also by engaging with actors such\nas transnational companies operating in the region. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

I see that more and more those actors want\nto also engage with me, because they don’t want their names to be named in a UN\nreport. These same companies appear in many reports: take the recent NGO report\nby Global Witness. Even if they are named, I wouldn’t say companies don’t care,\nbut there\u2019s no official reaction from them. They may say \u2018It\u2019s an NGO report,\nthey\u2019re biased\u2019. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

But why is a UN rapporteur doing\ninvestigations on individual cases and naming names of perpetrators? They\nbecome more anxious and say they want to speak to me. The good thing is that\nother UN rapporteurs, like John Knox (for the environment) and Victoria\nTauli-Corpuz (for indigenous peoples), are also working on cases like these. The\nattention of the international community is increasing to support defenders and\ncommunities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ONE OF THE STARKEST CONCLUSIONS OF YOUR REPORT IS THAT ATTACKS ARE BOTH INCREASING AND INTENSIFYING. IS THIS THE CASE IN LATIN AMERICA?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

It is. As you speak to victims and their\nfamilies, you see there is an increasing number of attacks, but also that companies\nare finding new means to target individual defenders, including sometimes using\nsicarios to kill them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What is striking for me is that in the past\nyou had random violence by which they would attack all those who are very\npublic or vocal about situations. And now you see it\u2019s obvious that companies\nare targeting those who are the more vocal or iconic, like Berta C\u00e1ceres (in\nHonduras) or Isidro Baldenegro in Mexico, to instill fear amongst the\ncommunities and saying \u2018Although those people were well known, recognized and\nprotected by prestigious awards, we were able to kill them. So take care: you\nmay be killed as we have killed Berta and Isidro\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ARE PREVENTIVE MEASURES TAKEN BY LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES WOEFULLY LACKING OR INEFFECTUAL?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

I would not say so. I would say they\nmitigate or alleviate the risks that defenders face. But for me, it’s clear\nthat despite the fact that you may have four bodyguards, a bullet-proof jacket\nor an armored car, if you want to kill someone, you always find ways to kill them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For countries like Colombia, Mexico or\nHonduras these mechanisms are a way to show that defenders are under\nprotection. But if you speak with the victims or their families, they will tell\nyou how bodyguards don’t want to work in places in which they cannot live\nnormally, how they don’t receive their per diems and refuse to provide\nprotection, how armored cars are not able to travel on the roads where those\ndefenders operate so they\u2019re left helpless.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Those means are a way to protect defenders\non a certain level, but we are still seeing an increasing number of killings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"\/<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

WOULD YOU SAY THAT IMPUNITY MAKES IT EASIER FOR PERPETRATORS TO ACT?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Yes, higher rates of impunity facilitate\nattacks on defenders. In Latin America you see that out of 100 killings, you\nhave investigations in maybe five cases and only two of them go to justice. In\nmost cases it\u2019s only the killers: those who are behind the scenes and activate\nthe sicarios -the masterminds- never go to justice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Attorneys generals usually claim they are doing\nthe utmost. We say, \u201cyes, but what about the mastermind?\u201d They don\u2019t have an\nanswer. And in many cases the masterminds are companies, in collusion with\nactors like senators, members of Congress or ministers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

DO YOU SEE THAT INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES ARE ESPECIALLY VULNERABLE TO THESE ATTACKS?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

I would say so, because the Earth -the\nforests, the lakes, the mountains- belong to these ancestral communities. And\nthose are the places in which now you see many companies operating, sometimes\nwith the complicity of the states. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When you speak to these communities, they\ntell you that although the right to consultation is recognized by law in many\ncountries, not everyone is invited or companies find ways to divide and rule to\ngain the support of a majority that says \u2018yes\u2019 to a project, even though if you\ninvestigate the real majority would say \u2018no\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

YOU MENTION IN YOUR REPORTS THAT IN MANY COUNTRIES -AND YOU PROBABLY INCLUDE LATIN AMERICA HERE- THERE IS A CERTAIN TENSION BETWEEN COMMODITY-DRIVEN ECONOMIC PLANNING AND THE LONG-TERM VISION THAT LOCAL COMMUNITIES HAVE ABOUT THEIR SURROUNDINGS.<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

That’s part of the problem and we don’t\nhave a solution. For me, clearly a community should have the right to say \u2018No,\nwe don\u2019t want this contractor\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We have concrete examples on the dilemmas\nposed by the possibility of communities saying \u2018no\u2019 to projects. There was an\nItalian company operating in Africa -I don\u2019t want to name any names- with whom\nwe discussed the idea of being more transparent and having a protocol by which\nthey would consult a large part of the country affected by their project. They\nsent mediators to explain what the benefits would be, but at the end of the day\nthe local community decided to say \u2018no\u2019. The company said \u201cWe have to respect\nthis decision\u201d and withdrew. What happened? A Chinese company came, which was\nmore dangerous for the community. Part of the dilemma is how we can reach\ncompanies who are not part of the same systems, like OECD, and find ways to\nbring them into the broader discussion of how to better respect the rights of\ncommunities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

GIVEN THIS SITUATION, HOW CAN COUNTRIES FOSTER A SAFER ENVIRONMENT FOR DEFENDERS?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

We\u2019re trying to find recommendations that\ncould be useful for states and we do have some who are already doing more to\ncontrol the behavior of companies and make sure they do no harm in countries\nwhere they operate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the most iconic examples is Canada,\nwhose companies are some of the most dangerous actors in Latin America. But you\nalso see the new administration of Canada taking new measures to control them:\nyou have guidelines that allow embassies to talk to defenders with a specific\nchapter dedicated to Canadian companies operating abroad. They\u2019re not\nmandatory, but it’s an encouragement. And you do see now some companies trying\nto change their behavior and establishing protocols to consult more broadly and\nin-depth with communities affected by projects.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Canada also decided to establish a new\nmechanism: they now have a special Ombudsperson for Responsible Enterprise\nwhose duty is to receive complaints from indigenous people, farmers and local\ncommunities affected by Canadian companies abroad. We need to monitor all of\nthis, but it\u2019s an attempt by one country to be more effective.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

You also have countries like France or the\nUK passing new laws on due diligence, which is another trend towards finding\nmore effective ways to protect defenders. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

ARE YOU SEEING NEW PATTERNS OF AGGRESSIONS OR ACTORS? IS THE SITUATION EVOLVING IN ANY WAY?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

It\u2019s complicated, but I don’t see new\nactors. We see the same patterns: for example, companies contracting security\nforces or sometimes even local police, so they become their guards, which is a\ncollusion between private and public interests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We are trying to do new things to put\npressure on these actors. One of these, which for me is very effective, is to\nuse the same means we use with states: when we are informed of the possible\nimplication of companies in attacks against defenders, I send them what I call\nan allegation letter in which I simply ask questions. I say to them \u201cI’ve been\ninformed that in such place your company may have been involved in an attack\nagainst a defender. Could you clarify these five questions by letter?\u201d and then\nboth the letter and the response become public. Because these companies don’t\nwant their names to be named in the report, you see them sending hundreds of\npages of information through their lawyers and asking for a meeting with me.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

My next report, which will be presented in\nGeneva, will name a few companies to put pressure on them and show others that\nit might happen to them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

HAVE YOU SENT MANY OF THESE LETTERS IN LATIN AMERICA?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Latin America has been one of the targets, yes. What I want is to see if they will change. In fact, I send four letters: one to the government of the country where the company is located, one to the company headquarters, one to the local government and one to the company operating in the country. It\u2019s a way to put pressure on many actors together.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

WHAT CAN BE DONE WHEN THIS VIOLENCE HAPPENS IN PLACES WHERE PROJECTS ARE PARTLY OR COMPLETELY FUNDED BY INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

We\u2019re also speaking to these agencies like the World Bank or regional ones like the Inter-American Development Bank. We see that some of them are really receptive to our communications and have even withdrawn from projects they had decided to fund, citing that this state is not respecting the provisions of the funding agreement. It\u2019s a leverage for us.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ARE THESE INSTITUTIONS MODIFYING THEIR POLICIES AND ELEVATING THEIR STANDARDS FOR PROJECT SELECTION AND FUND ALLOCATION?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Yes, it\u2019s the case with the European Union,\nthe Inter-American Development Bank or the World Bank: we are discussing with\nall of them what we can do together to be more effective.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One question we have discussed is the issue\nof how to protect whistleblowers who can disclose information on, for example,\ncollusion between members of Parliament or ministers with those companies.\nEspecially those whistleblowers inside the institutions who receive\ninformation, want to go public and could face reprisals from those actors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

WE’VE SPOKEN ABOUT LEGAL COMPANIES, BUT ILLEGAL ACTORS ASSOCIATED ILLICIT BUSINESSES LIKE MINING OR LOGGING ARE ALSO TARGETING ENVIRONMENTAL DEFENDERS. <\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

It\u2019s something you see in many countries in Latin America and it\u2019s something I have recommended the Government of Colombia, for example, to look into. I haven\u2019t done any investigation into illegal actors, because my focus is on transnational companies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

DO YOU FIND FACTORS OF OPTIMISM IN LATIN AMERICA FOR DEFENDERS?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

In each country you see solutions,\ndeveloped by either states themselves, by individual institutions of states or\nfrom other actors like local NGOs, international organizations or embassies. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

To be more concrete, in the case of\nColombia I have been struck by the work done by the Ombudsman’s Office, a\nstrong institution that -local communities tell you- is one place where they\ncan seek support or information, or complain about attacks against them. In\nMexico, you have a strong National Commission of Human Rights, which is also a\nkey actor for defenders. That\u2019s why, when I see in countries like Honduras weak\ninstitutions, I try to push the state to strengthen them, which is a way to\nsupport to defenders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

AN IMPORTANT PART OF LATIN AMERICA IS BEGINNING TO IMPLEMENT THE ESCAZ\u00da AGREEMENT, A REGIONAL PACT INCLUDING SEVERAL KEY PROVISIONS FOR ENVIRONMENTAL DEFENDERS. ARE YOU OPTIMISTIC THAT THINGS COULD IMPROVE?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Very much. I have pushed states to ratify\nthis new instrument. In Colombia, where I was just on an official visit, this\nwas one of my recommendations because the country is currently not part for\nthis regional agreement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It\u2019s too early to say, but it\u2019s a way to put\npressure on states and we need to monitor the way in which they implement and\ncomply with its provisions. We are pushing for more states to sign it and more\nactors to be involved in it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This\ninterview, which was condensed and edited for clarity, was conducted in Bogota\nin December 2018.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"\/<\/figure>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u201cQuiero lanzar la alarma sobre la violencia incremental e intensificada contra ellos. Estoy extremadamente abrumado por el n\u00famero de asesinatos y ataques, y por la falta de respuesta de los Estados ante esta situaci\u00f3n\u201d, Michel Forst, el Relator Especial sobre la situaci\u00f3n de defensores de derechos humanos, al Consejo de Derechos Humanos de Naciones Unidas en 2016.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":7757,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_uf_show_specific_survey":0,"_uf_disable_surveys":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[16],"tags":[45,79],"coauthors":[80],"class_list":{"0":"post-724","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-transversal","8":"tag-fase-i","9":"tag-onu"},"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\n\u201cI\u2019m very concerned about environmental human rights defenders in Latin America\u201d<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, 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Desde hace ocho a\u00f1os se ha especializado en temas ligados al Acuerdo de paz y al ambiente. 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